Greetings, everyone! Glory to Ukraine!

Dear attendees,

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister,

Mr. Minister,

Ladies and gentlemen – our ambassadors, our diplomatic personnel, the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and our government officials,

The Office team,

Our guests,

Dear journalists,

There are many people here today, and each and every one of you has directly contributed to our foreign policy results.

Today, Ukraine’s resilience, our defense, our ability to meet essential social obligations in Ukraine – to support our people – our capacity to restore life after Russian strikes, and our ability to bring this war back home to Russia all depend on what truly sustains our front, on whether we are providing Ukraine with funding and strength, whether our defense production is operating, and whether Ukraine’s foreign policy is successful – and therefore on whether all of us, all of you, are successful.

I thank all of you who really helped Ukraine make this year since our previous meeting of this kind truly productive. We have been through a lot together. Thank you.

We made it through the winter – I’ve already said this to Andrii Ivanovych – a very difficult winter. When Ukraine was not alone, and we received the support we needed – support that was extremely important. I am grateful to every government official and every community leader who truly walked this path of daily, difficult, and important work together to ensure that last winter did not play into Putin’s plan against Ukraine and the Ukrainian people.

It is important that Ukraine’s foreign policy last year was focused in the right direction – specifically on energy, on our resilience, and on making it through the winter.

Ukraine received the equipment it needed at the time. Ukraine had the necessary electricity imports – two gigawatts, 2.1 to be more precise – from the European Union, which helped us tremendously, every single day. Ukraine had strong financial support. Strong financial packages. Ukraine had the necessary volume of gas. Although it was not easy. All of this was, of course, a shared result of our state.

I also want to recognize the work of Ukraine’s gas infrastructure. Even though Russia struck Ukrainian gas facilities every single day, to be honest, Ukraine made it through last winter with gas despite all of this – despite all these challenges. This was a strong result for our state and for everyone working in our energy sector. This was a significant achievement by Sergii Koretskyi, our entire team at NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine, and all the relevant companies. Thank you.

This year, winter is once again an obvious priority for everyone.

Your task this year is to provide the Government of Ukraine with the strongest possible support on the external track and in our relations with partners.

Right now, we cannot predict with 100 percent certainty when all our diplomatic efforts will succeed, when Ukraine’s long-range sanctions against Russia, our mid-range strikes, and all the sanctions imposed by partners will generate the level of pressure needed to leave Russia with no alternative but peace. We will work very hard to make that happen by winter – this fall. But we clearly understand who we are dealing with and that Putin hopes to drag this war out even longer. He is preparing a mobilization campaign at home and new strikes. We see Russia’s true intentions, unite our partners, and put pressure on the aggressor.

Today, each and every one of you must feel personally responsible for how Ukraine’s foreign policy and the results in our relations with partners will help the Ukrainian people, our entire state, and every community across Ukraine make it through this winter.

A winter package for Ukraine is not just a sound bite. 

The Prime Minister of Ukraine must have a clear list of what Ukraine needs for this winter and who, specifically, on the foreign policy track must deliver each particular result, supply, or important and unquestionably urgent decision for Ukraine. This means a clear list of financial needs, a clear list of equipment, specific resources, specific needs of our communities, and the political agreements required to secure all of this.

Of course, missiles for Patriots. Of course, missiles for our air defense. Of course, for IRIS-Ts, Hawks, SAMP/Ts, NASAMS, and so on, as well as all the weapons needed for our combat aircraft, are an absolute and unconditional necessity. The same applies to the implementation of resilience plans by regional and local authorities and Ukrainian communities. But every Ukrainian ambassador must understand which transformers we need to look for and who to look to for them. There must be specifics in everything. What other equipment is required. What exactly is needed in the financial sector. What additional arrangements were made regarding imports. Whether gas volumes are sufficient. What cross-border solutions must support the entire country, our people. What we can do on our own and what we can accomplish only together with our partners, with neighbors, with Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Moldova. What specific needs and problems our communities face, and who, on the track of relations with partners, can help us address them.

Every ambassador must know clearly what his or her personal result must be for this winter – and in the course of preparing for it.

In short, I strongly expect the Prime Minister and the Government, together with the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, the General Staff, the Office team, and our communities, to identify the specific needs that Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, our ambassadors, and other representatives must work to meet.

This week, the NSDC will meet in a special format to assess how the resilience plans for our regions and communities are being implemented – or not being implemented, in which case those responsible will be held accountable. Based on this analysis, we will set specific tasks for our state’s foreign policy.

Ihor Klymenko will become the new NSDC Secretary. He has exceptionally strong experience in coordinating the security sector, as well as in the work carried out last winter to strengthen our resilience and support our people. We need to grow stronger, and the NSDC will therefore be more closely involved in the Government of Ukraine’s work in this area.

Ukraine has now reached a new level of cooperation with its key partners in the military sphere – namely, the Drone Deals format. You are well aware of this. 

This is a logical continuation of all the cooperation and pooling of experience we have already had with our partners in weapons production and in attracting investment and technology. 

When we speak about Drone Deals, we do not mean simply – or only – exporting particular types of drones.

This format integrates Ukraine’s wartime defense experience with the defense capabilities of our partners. Ukrainian expert teams assess the current state of partners’ defenses – their air defense and other defense systems – and propose solutions for strengthening them through long-term cooperation with Ukraine lasting at least ten years. I believe this is truly a significant step forward. This includes the rapid export of our best battle-tested weapons and the development of cooperation between military technology companies in Ukraine and partner countries.

Through the Drone Deals format, Ukraine receives long-term, annual funding for the country and for Ukrainian defense manufacturers – a stable financial foundation for the defense industry. Our partners, in turn, receive modern defense capabilities. 

Drone Deals have now been concluded with 9 countries, and another 15 agreements are in the works. And I congratulate our team on this major achievement. Thank you.

Rustem Umerov will continue to coordinate this work – not only in the Middle East, as you know. To give him greater capacity to focus specifically on matters at the intersection of diplomacy and defense – as well as on the negotiation process with the United States and other designated partners, and on negotiations to end the war – Umerov will be appointed Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine. 

Please support him in this work. In every country already participating in the Drone Deals format – this is extremely important – as well as in countries interested in reaching such an agreement, our embassies must provide full support and work effectively with partner governments so that they understand exactly what Ukraine can contribute to partners’ defense and intelligence, as well as to the protection of our borders and the resilience of our infrastructure.

FREYJA must likewise be one of your priorities. This is our new project, which you already know about – perhaps not yet in great depth. But we must speak about it and outline in detail this truly modern project, which represents the future of our country. This is our anti-ballistic project – one of Ukraine’s most ambitious ideas.

We see the level of global demand for Patriot missiles. We know that the United States is working to expand production and meet this demand, but that takes time. It is very difficult. But that takes time and, frankly, is in many respects a matter of politics. Assistance involving Patriots always requires political decisions that must be fought for. 

Europe also has its own anti-ballistic systems. There will be more of them – also over time.

But given the real situation in the world, we can now say that every anti-ballistic project is needed, and none of those currently in existence is intended to drive anyone out or replace anything. FREYJA will significantly complement and strengthen both the capabilities that already exist and those still being developed.

I ask you to become more actively involved in the work on our own anti-ballistic project – Ukrainian and European.

Unfortunately, one of the worst consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine – and of Iran’s tactics as well – is that potential aggressors around the world can see how much harm ballistic missiles can inflict on human life. The global ballistic missile threat will therefore continue to grow, and all anti-ballistic defense capabilities must grow as well. 

Our FREYJA can become a shared European system providing integrated protection. FREYJA will be quick to produce and battle-tested. Ukraine is capable of manufacturing both the missile itself and the launcher – that is a fact. The decisive factor is cooperation with those European countries and with our partner companies that have the radars, sensors, and everything else required for an effective anti-ballistic system. And we already have agreements in place with all of these companies and all the necessary countries.

These are the ten countries participating in the Anti-Ballistic Coalition: Ukraine, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom – as well as twelve manufacturers that have already joined this initiative.

The Anti-Ballistic Coalition and the FREYJA project are open to other participants capable of making a genuine contribution to security across Europe. I expect every Ukrainian representative working in the relevant area – in the countries, with these countries and companies, and through your contacts with their political, business, and civic leaders – to provide full support for Drone Deals and FREYJA and deliver concrete results.

We hear from many leaders, countries, and companies that they want to work with us on co-production and defense cooperation. You may not currently know certain details of negotiations that have already taken place or of preliminary agreements – and this must be stated directly. There are many different signals about this – about the need for information-sharing. I agree with that. 

Our representatives abroad must be kept sufficiently informed. I expect Andrii Ivanovych and his team, together with our Office and the Head of the Office, Kyrylo Oleksiiovych, to propose regular formats for communication and engagement with ambassadors between the major annual meetings. Indeed, meeting once a year is not enough. These formats should make it possible to involve ambassadors – with their expertise, relevant experience, and direct information from the countries where they serve – in making important political and practical decisions and in developing cooperation.

Next.

Weapons for Ukraine – now.

The quality of an embassy’s work must be measured by the amount of weapons Ukraine receives, the funding that supports Ukraine, and the political decisions and concrete steps that put pressure on the enemy. That is the clear, central framework.

A Ukrainian ambassador must know how many air defense missiles are available in the country where they serve – and how to ensure that those missiles are not sitting in stockpiles somewhere, but loaded into our launchers here in Ukraine.

Missiles for all the systems I have mentioned repeatedly, weapons for our combat aircraft, and everything our drones need – this is, without question, our shared daily work – yours and ours.

Every ambassador must bring weapons to Ukraine. And the fact that, for example, Europe is now on vacation must not be the reason contributions to the PURL program have slowed down or certain packages are being delayed.

We all have to do this. Some of you may be more public, while others may be less so. It depends on the country where you serve and, certainly, the specific task. Some may work through official channels, while elsewhere they must work exclusively through informal ones. In some cases, support from civil society and the media is indispensable; elsewhere, unnecessary public moves only get in the way.

But you must bring in weapons and assist everyone who does. 

The KPIs for our embassies and ambassadors must be restructured accordingly.

What is written in various formal documents and resolutions, the number of meetings you have held, or whether you get likes on social media is secondary. Weapons are needed. Missiles are needed. Funding for Ukraine is needed. All of this is priority number one.

Weapons and military technology are not only the responsibility of military attachés – they are also diplomatic matters that ambassadors must handle personally.

When it comes to ballistic and anti-ballistic capabilities, we do not publicly disclose figures – for obvious reasons – on what we have and what we lack, but every attack demonstrates this to every Ukrainian citizen.

We also see the challenges in the Middle East and the Gulf, which have made the situation with Patriots significantly more difficult. But this is not only about relations with the United States and its ability to help or unwillingness to share missiles. No. 

Other countries have missiles as well. And personal relationships often make a difference – with a particular leader or with individuals connected to that leader or to the decision-making process in a country. You must build precisely these kinds of personal relationships in the countries. I thank those ambassadors who work this way and whom we can always count on. 

To ensure that Ukraine always gets results, you and your key embassy staff must speak the same language – it’s true, in every sense – as those who make decisions and can help.

Take Andrii Ivanovych, for example – using you as an example, if I may. Minister Sybiha previously served at our embassy in Poland – and he speaks Polish. He also served in Türkiye – and he speaks Turkish. At least, I have seen you speaking with Erdoğan about something. That is true. And that’s a fact; that’s respect. I can see the relationship they have. I can see the personal regard President Erdoğan has for Sybiha. Everything matters. The details matter. And these professional qualities are extremely important. This is the level of Ukraine, of the Ukrainian ambassador. This is the level of Ukraine’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. And I am proud of that.

Our diplomatic service has a traditional, longstanding weakness – and this is true: when it comes to every language other than English – it’s true – for the most part, we face a shortage of proficiency. Please develop systemic solutions capable of changing this.

When personnel are rotated into Ukraine’s embassy in Germany, the people assigned there – not only the ambassador, who speaks excellent German – must know German. The embassy team must be thoroughly professional. There are simply more Russians, so we must be faster and smarter. Quality is extremely important. The ambassador meets this requirement very well. A rotation to France means that you must know French. The ambassador to France also meets this requirement well. For postings to Arab countries, we must make every effort to find people who are interested in both the Arabic language – which is entirely logical – and the culture and traditions of those countries and the region. For Spanish-speaking countries, they must know Spanish. For Portuguese-speaking countries, Portuguese. And this is exactly how we must approach every important country and international organization. I would really appreciate it.

You must have a deep understanding of the values, holidays, and pain of the people in every country where you serve, understand their culture – and, of course, know their language.

I also ask that ambassadors’ views be taken into account more often when deciding who is sent on rotation to an embassy and who returns from an embassy to Ukraine. Rotations certainly must not become an end in themselves. 

Thanks to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, much has already been done to bring about such changes. And it is not only Andrii Sybiha – Oleksandr Karasevych is also trying to take ambassadors’ views into account. We need significantly more of this.

Ambassadors also need to know more about what is happening in our state and how. You need to visit Ukraine regularly, absolutely, share in Ukraine’s life, and feel what Ukrainians are going through. And not just once a year. I am grateful that the Minister brought the ambassadors together and that you visited the Chernihiv region. It is very important to know how our communities live, how ordinary Ukrainians live, and how difficult things are for them. I know that you saw drones being shot down, that there were attacks, and so on. I understand all of that, but this is life – not heroism. This is life, everyday life – and this is the heroism of our people. That is why I would very much like us to find ways for ambassadors to come more often, to spend time in Ukraine, and to feel all of this. To love your country while being in Ukraine and... Well, we understood each other.

Working at an embassy is definitely a serious job. I respect it. It is not a vacation. When you say that Ukraine is resilient, that Ukraine’s front is stronger this year than before, or that Ukrainians need one thing or another, you must feel what truly lies behind those words. Every Ukrainian ambassador must know what the front is like, what life is like in a frontline or border community, and what it is like to rebuild after attacks. 

Every ambassador must feel what it is like when air defense launchers are empty and the Russians are striking us – striking our children.

You need to feel your country and know what life is like today in Kherson, Mykolaiv, Odesa, Zaporizhzhia, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Sumy, Chernihiv, and our other cities and communities.

With all of this in mind, replacements within the embassies must be selected and prepared more carefully. Those returning to Ukraine must be offered positions at a level that truly reflects their contribution to Ukraine’s shared result, the experience our people have here, and the experience an embassy staff member has gained in the country where they served. Otherwise, we risk losing experienced professionals from the diplomatic service – something we cannot afford. For sure.

Next.

Ukraine continues to do everything in its power to ensure that this war has the prospect of a diplomatic resolution. Certainly.

One of the key claims made by Ukraine’s opponents and by those who trust dubious sources is that we in Ukraine supposedly want this war to continue.

Your task is to consistently, persuasively, and credibly reject all such false accusations.

It is Ukraine that wants peace. It is Ukraine that has never wanted this war – not for a single day. 

It is Russia that is doing everything possible to prolong this war and inflict as much damage on human life in Ukraine as it can.

We are working toward diplomacy. 

All leaders who can help know that we are ready for every substantive format. Putin is not ready. And that is precisely the problem. 

And for there to be a diplomatic path, there must be no obstacles to it in any influential capital in the world. 

When Moscow does not want peace, Washington and Beijing can make it want peace. 

And we are doing everything possible to ensure that the capitals of Europe, which Russia does not particularly want to take into account – we know that – reach a level where Russia can no longer ignore Europe. This is one of the key objectives of our security and political cooperation with our European partners.

Next.

A very special period is beginning in partner countries that matter greatly to us – a period of election campaigns and elections that could change a lot. Starting in September with elections in Germany’s federal states, followed by Israel and the United States, and next year in France. There will also be elections among our friends in the Baltic states and in other countries.

Russia never misses an opportunity to interfere in elections through hybrid influence, financial operations, and destabilization. Because that is its goal. We all understand the corresponding threats.

Ukraine must be able to preserve and strengthen the relations regardless of the election results. These are internal matters for each of these countries. Ukraine never interferes in elections or in any other internal affairs of our partners. At the same time, we must build long-term ties not only at the level of leaders or the political establishment, but also at the level of societies, public opinion, the media, cultural communities, and businesses – so that our partners remain interested in cooperation with Ukraine and in supporting Ukraine under any scenario in partner countries. 

The task of Ukrainian diplomacy during this period is to actively counter propaganda, engage with public opinion, and work with young people – whose role in future elections and political decision-making will be significantly greater than before – as well as with all leaders in society and all media outlets that have a real impact.

If we take as an example one of Ukraine’s neighboring countries, with which we’re currently facing challenges, so to speak – it turns out that for most of the younger audience, social media is the main source of news right now. During the last election in that country, the key media events of the election took place on YouTube. In other words, frankly speaking, where the audience is, that’s where the influence lies.

This means that Ukraine’s position, our opinion, our perspective, our narratives, if I may put it that way, and our needs must be present and clearly communicated across these platforms – in podcasts, on social media, through bloggers and influencers, and so on. At the same time, they must also be present in every traditional media outlet that has influence, continues to be cited, carries political weight, and has a real ability to keep the spotlight on Ukraine – and thus strengthen support for Ukraine and respect for our community within that country.

Of course, this does not apply to every ambassador. But wherever this problem exists, you must work decisively to protect Ukrainians from any manifestations of xenophobia, promote recognition of Ukrainians’ contribution to the common good, and shape public opinion so that the relevant community feels that hatred ruins the lives of everyone in society, not just one particular community.

Protecting the interests of the Ukrainian community and all the rights of our people is your duty. To do so, use not only the tools of classical diplomacy, but also whatever shapes public opinion here and now. And diplomacy can no longer be solely classical or static; it must constantly adapt to the ever-changing conditions in a given country.

And everyone who matters in the political process of the country where you serve must, at the very least, be someone you know well.

Sometimes there’s this perception among our people regarding Europe that achievements in relations with Europe are, how should I put it, sort of automatic. Yes, but that’s just a perception.

As if the moment you get started, Europe immediately gives you everything – all the necessary decisions. “We’re from Ukraine” – here you go. Decisions, help. That’s not how it is. That’s not true.

We must work with Europe every day, 24/7, miss nothing, build contacts, and help Europe become stronger so that they also feel all of this. So that Europe can help us here – in Ukraine – and so that decisions are made for Ukraine.

Everyone can feel now that there is a €90 billion package for Ukraine for two years. But even before this package – which is, of course, extremely important – we were securing 40–50 billion in assistance for Ukraine per year during this war. Those were our extraordinary daily efforts, which are now often taken for granted. But it is a major achievement. Thank you all for this. It is the result of work, relationships, and contacts.

The same applies to the United States – a country that deserves special attention and respect and requires the most productive possible engagement with Washington every day. But we must remember that America is not only Washington, nor is it only Manhattan. We need to know the attitudes of the Midwest and other states, as well as those of businesses and key communities. Religious diplomacy also works in America, as do formats for developing business and technology ties, engagement with bloggers, traditional media, and so on. Everything must be geared toward results.

Right now, I would not say that we, Ukraine, have strong – or even sufficient – relations and results with the countries of the former CIS. We need to fight for Ukraine there and make sure that it is not easy for Russia to wage this war. We all understand the specific circumstances of these countries and the role Russia can still play there. But this is a serious challenge – and therefore a specific task for the embassies and the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a whole: which path to choose to make all this a reality in those countries, who to talk to there, and how to build ties – that is your choice. But all of us here in Kyiv must feel for certain that you have made one choice or another, that you are following a particular path, and that you are fighting for Ukraine and for results for Ukraine. The main thing is that an embassy must never be an empty shell. People must work even with such challenging countries and complex relationships, where the aggressor wields such significant influence.

Next.

We would like stronger relations with Japan. That is true. Significant political changes took place there – that is what I mean – and there were high expectations. However, the results so far have not been as significant – with all due respect, and we are grateful for Japan’s support – but they have not been as significant as they could have been. We need to address this and propose exactly how and by what means it can be done.

It is wrong when Ukraine’s position and experience are not represented – or are not represented at the proper level – at key security forums in Asia. We in Ukraine have all grown accustomed to Ukraine being present in Davos and to the Munich Security Conference not taking place without Ukraine, without a clear and strong Ukrainian position. But there are other forums that we sometimes miss. The Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore and all other major security, economic, and political formats in Asia must include Ukraine – and at a level that is truly felt across the region. This is extremely important. We had a chance. We were represented at the highest level. We had a serious delegation. You remember Singapore, Andrii Ivanovych. We were there. We must not forget that. We cannot miss that. We cannot leave this platform to other countries – even partners who speak about Ukraine’s security. We must speak about security in Ukraine. We must present a consolidated position on security in Europe and the world. We are among the world’s leaders in security.

I recently met with the President of the Republic of Korea. We had a meeting and discussed some very important details of our relations, our capabilities, and our needs. I would very much like to see results. It was a major step forward, believe me. None of this is easy.

We also made some good progress in our relations with the Philippines, as you remember. But now there seems to be a bit of a lull in that area. We need to get everything back on track; we need to fix everything.

We have achieved good results in our work in the Middle East and the Gulf. Our guys are working hard – Umerov, Budanov, Kyslytsya, and Sybiha. I am grateful to our team. They are all working. And as you can see, entirely different formats and institutions are involved here. It is not easy to wrest the initiative away from those who have been building all of this for decades. This is a difficult mission. I am very glad that both the Office and government officials are working together here. But our embassies in these areas must keep pace with this work.

I want to thank everyone working on relations with Türkiye and continually strengthening them. This is extremely important and highly significant. I have had many personal interactions with President Erdoğan, whom I have already mentioned today. I expect that we will see more and more results thanks to the work of our teams.

I ask you to pay particular attention to Syria and to the changes taking place there. Syria today – in this period of transformation following the Assad regime – is, one might say, a true focus of attention, a magnet, a star of international relations. Ukraine was among the first countries in the world to support the new Syria. The Minister was the first to go there, or one of the first. Probably the first. Were you the first, Andrii Ivanovych? The Minister was first, and then we followed. Relevant agreements were subsequently reached. All of this must be strengthened. We wish Syria’s leader and people every success. Ukraine can contribute to the economic and infrastructure development of such countries and to strengthening security throughout this entire region. We must be present in every state, in every country with such potential and such regional or international significance.

We must find a practical path for relations with India that will strengthen us, and we need to seek dialogue with China. If we do not want China to fully support only the Russians, and if we don’t want it to see its future with Russia while overlooking other countries. All of this must be built. These are all challenges – and very difficult ones.

I want to recognize our entire team that has delivered results for Ukraine on the European Union track. Thank you. I believe this is a good result. Yuliia Svyrydenko, Taras Kachka, Oleksii Sobolev, Denys Shmyhal, Sergiy Kyslytsya, Ihor Zhovkva, Vsevolod Chentsov, Andrii Sybiha – everyone. My apologies if I have left anyone out. But I want to thank all of you. This is a serious challenge, and we are moving forward. Thank you.

Over the course of this year, we have achieved extremely tangible results. That is true. The process of opening clusters has begun, and it is important to open the remaining four negotiating clusters. We will do all of this. I am absolutely certain of that.

Ukraine’s full membership in the European Union remains our unwavering goal. Every level of Ukraine’s engagement with the European Union and its member states must bring us closer to that goal. We regard this as a security priority for Ukraine. I also want to thank you for all the laws we needed to pass and vote through. Members of Parliament, thank you for supporting the European track. 

And frankly, as you know, for the European Union this is also a matter of fundamental security. Everyone points this out. Russia can threaten the European Union only as long as Ukraine and the European Union are not yet fully united. Many leaders understand this. We must reinforce this understanding at every other level – from Brussels to every European community in the respective countries. Find compelling arguments and dispel the myths being spread about Ukraine’s membership in the European Union. Our goal is clear, well-defined, and absolute – I am certain of that. Ukraine’s security weight today is such that Ukraine is capable of serving as a reliable guarantor of Europe’s physical security. What our army, our experience, and our defense industries can provide objectively cannot be provided by any signature on any formal political document. Signatures and promises cannot shoot down Russian drones or hold the front line. Europe needs Ukraine.

For Ukraine, comprehensive, truly deep, and long-term relations with every European country outside the European Union are important. That is also clear. Over the years of the war, the Nordic countries have become one of our main pillars of support. Some are members of the European Union, while others are not. But all of them are our friends, and all are our strong partners.

I am grateful to France – to everyone working with this country – for truly outstanding relations that are both strong and beneficial. It is important to continue this work at every level.

Germany – we have very strong relations. It is one of Ukraine’s strongest partners and the top supporter of our country in Europe. We value this level and must do everything to ensure that Germany always understands and feels Ukraine.

The United Kingdom is consistently a strong partner. And now – after the change of Prime Minister – the first visit to Britain at the highest level was from Ukraine. We must continue to preserve this leading role in our relations with partners.

Italy – despite various domestic political challenges, storms, one might say, and public sentiment – continues to support Ukraine and help us. This is the result of all our work with Italy – both personal, of course, and systemic. It is important that this remain the case.

Ukraine needs genuinely strong, mutually beneficial relations based on true partnership with Poland – that is a fact – and with all our neighbors in the European Union. Every one of them matters, carries weight, and shares a common destiny with us. This is also an independence of our neighbors, our strength, and our security – this is what enables them to remain free, frankly speaking.

It is also very important that we have built truly good and substantive relations with Moldova. We value one another, help one another, and are moving toward the European Union together – side by side.

Switzerland is pursuing a policy that Russia did not expect. Although Switzerland is neutral in military terms, it has not remained neutral in moral terms and has joined the European sanctions against Russia.

We must continue developing our relations with Canada as actively and productively as possible. In my view, we have reached the highest level. Indeed, Ukraine and Canada have always been connected in a very tangible way politically, socially, and culturally – because of the Ukrainian community, our large community in Canada. Now we have added one of the strongest security components to this – compared to other countries. This must be expanded. And we are preparing to do so.

Ukraine is expanding its ties and engagement with Latin America – a region where Moscow’s positions were strong for a long time and, frankly, remain so to this day. Latin America is changing now. These are important diplomatic steps for us. Kyiv must be heard there. Ukraine’s experience, including with volunteers from Latin America, frankly speaking, confirms that our people largely share the same values-based understanding of freedom and the virtues of courage and dignity. We need a strong presence in every Latin American country – and this is a long-term task.

I expect the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, together with the team of the Office, to present a new strategy for Ukraine’s relations with African countries. We need a clear and well-considered approach – not a superficial one – for every country whose relations with Ukraine can be far more extensive than they are today. Particular attention must be paid separately to North Africa, the Sahel, the eastern part of the continent, the countries of Central Africa, and the south. In some places, we can be a security provider – that is normal, it is for the future, and these are important steps. Elsewhere, we can work on infrastructure. In some places, there is a severe shortage of food security – you know this, distinguished ambassadors – and therefore a need for Ukraine and our capabilities. Our embassies that have been opened in African countries must not remain a mere formality. I urge you to ensure this. Both the new missions and those that have operated for years need substance – not only in terms of staffing, but also through fresh approaches to this work.

Next.

A system of serious formats for military and security cooperation has already been established with European countries, the United States of America, Canada, and other states capable of standing with us – as well as with NATO structures. We must not forget about NATO.

We must clearly understand that if a commitment of 70 billion in support is announced at a NATO Summit, then precisely that level of support must be delivered in practice. If a specific contribution is announced within the Ramstein Contact Group format, that contribution must be delivered as quickly as possible.

You must support everything that helps our intelligence and security services.

If you see that there is a request for additional information or further assistance – specifically from a military perspective – in any of our partner countries; if you feel that governments or parliaments in partner countries need more military and special briefings; if we feel that our military and special services personnel should provide direct off-the-record briefings to U.S. members of Congress and senators whose decisions affect support and who sometimes operate in a somewhat different information environment – then we must step up these efforts. The frequency of these contacts with people from the front lines is very important. Very important. I ask you to increase it and pay attention to this.

I want to thank Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk and everyone on the Ukrainian Parliament’s team who is developing interparliamentary dialogue and parliamentary diplomacy. This helps in many ways. I ask you to continue supporting this work. There have indeed been many achievements. I would particularly note the Ukrainian Parliament’s new ties with the Parliamentary Assembly of Francophone countries. Ties are also being established with the parliaments and parliamentary associations of English-speaking countries, as well as with the parliaments of Portuguese-speaking, Spanish-speaking, and Turkic-speaking communities. This, of course, complements our work within the parliamentary assemblies of the Council of Europe, the OSCE, and NATO, where we Ukrainians have traditionally been active. We have already discussed this. Establishing a permanent representation of the Ukrainian Parliament at the European Parliament is a good idea – it is worth doing. We are grateful for the development of the parliamentary dimension of the Crimea Platform and for the work being done within it. We have not forgotten Crimea – I want you to know that. We do not forget. We do not forgive. We will not forget. That is why the Crimea Platform exists. That is why we hold it every year at the level of leaders, as well as in its parliamentary dimension. I want you to remember this.

All of our platforms – from the Crimea Platform to NB8, from the Southeast Europe Summit to the Coalition of the Willing, from JEF partnership to the new Carpathian Integration Initiative aimed at strengthening relations with our neighbors in the European Union, from the Summit of First Ladies and Gentlemen to the Bring Kids Back UA initiative – all of these formats are important, all of them benefit Ukraine and invariably make it stronger. When the initiative is ours – when the initiative lies with Ukraine – then we will have support, and Russia will not defeat or outmaneuver us. Ukraine needs peace, of course. We need security and guarantees for our interests. Every initiative, every connection, and every result is a concrete contribution to achieving this fundamental goal. That is why we always pay such close attention to the level of representation at every forum, to the response to events organized by Ukraine, to ensuring that every visit by a leader to Ukraine is not fruitless, to making sure we do not miss important political occasions for our partners, and to ensuring that every agreement is actually implemented.

I ask Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, together with the Office team, to conduct an audit of the work of our coalitions created to support Ukraine during this war, as well as all other formats of our multilateral and bilateral engagement with partners.

If a Shelter Coalition has been established – this was an initiative of our partners who, as you remember, wanted to help Ukraine in humanitarian and security terms, not only with weapons – then Ukrainians must, in my view, see concrete results from this work. Concrete contributions, concrete and rapid solutions, concrete projects, and, frankly, concrete construction underway. This is everyone’s responsibility, but certainly that of ambassadors, because you are the points of contact for the countries participating in one coalition or another. Right now, I am speaking specifically about the Shelter Coalition. 

If Ukraine invests effort in creating relevant institutions such as the Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, then this issue must always remain on the agenda. It cannot disappear from the public radar for months – it simply cannot; we have no right to allow that. Clearly, we are more invested in this than anyone else, but everyone must still be engaged. For us, it is extremely important. Not to forget, not to forgive, to document everything, and to keep working. If we have launched such an initiative, then this is a serious historic challenge – so please carry this initiative forward. People must see concrete progress toward justice.

If we see that Russia is, unfortunately, regaining its positions, for example, in international sports organizations without ending its war and killings, this means that the issue is not receiving sufficient attention, first and foremost from us: from Ukrainian sports institutions, the National Olympic Committee, our ambassadors, government officials, and Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs system. From all of us. If we forget, they will be forgiven. I am sure of it.

It is important for everyone to remain fully focused and deliver more results on sanctions against Russia. Everyone can see, in particular, the ballistic missile threat posed by Russia, which we have already mentioned repeatedly today. This threat is growing. At the same time, Russian enterprises that manufacture ballistic missiles are still not subject to strict global sanctions. Some key Russian enterprises involved in ballistic missile production are still not under sanctions imposed by the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, Switzerland, and other jurisdictions. Of the seventeen key Russian enterprises – just imagine – involved in producing ballistic missiles, most can exploit sanctions loops in the jurisdictions of various partners. We need greater coordination of this work, daily engagement with our partners on sanctions, and greater synchronization of these sanctions.

We must significantly strengthen sanctions against all individuals and entities worldwide, procurement networks, and financial institutions that help Russia purchase and transport critical components to Russia for weapons production. These weapons are used against us. Most of these components come from Western countries. The same applies to North Korean missiles supplied to Russia. They could not have been produced without deliveries of critical components from other countries – partner countries, by the way. And these are fresh deliveries to North Korea, fresh deliveries made through methods similar to those used for Russia – not old stockpiles.

If sanctions alone are not enough, we must apply pressure through other legal, formal, informal, and often even public methods. Every bank involved in Russian schemes, every financial agent working for Russia and its war, and every transit channel must feel that they have problems. We need to create problems for them.

I expect the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and the Government as a whole, the team of the Office, the National Security and Defense Council, and the Security Service of Ukraine – with the involvement of the Office of the Prosecutor General and the National Bank of Ukraine – together with the relevant embassies, to launch a new and significantly stronger phase of our work on sanctions against Russia. You have already done a lot, and I am grateful to you. Much is being done to make it more difficult for Russia’s shadow fleet to operate, and there have been significant results in this area. There have also been substantial results in blocking Russian individuals who work for this war or promote it. I am grateful to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for this. Now, without forgetting everything else, we must focus on what Putin considers his ultimate bet – namely, his ballistic missiles and every type of Russian drones, all Russian production facilities, and therefore the relevant manufacturers, financiers, and suppliers.

Economic diplomacy is not optional, nor is it secondary. Attracting investment to Ukraine and developing cooperation – especially in defense and military technology, but also in energy, reconstruction, agriculture, and other sectors – is a task for virtually every ambassador. Ambassadors must welcome Ukrainian companies in the countries where they serve and provide them with the greatest possible support. At the same time, companies from those countries must know for sure that their first point of contact is the embassy – not someone else – and that everyone at the embassy will be ready to assist them.

Please support every format of Ukraine’s soft-power diplomacy. Ties between universities and cultural institutions, work within communities to preserve and restore cultural heritage, the development of cooperation among veterans, and support in Ukraine and partner countries for all programs providing treatment and rehabilitation to our people after they have been wounded, seriously wounded – all of these tasks require considerable attention, but they consistently foster the most lasting respect and goodwill toward Ukraine, as well as the strongest emotional bonds and impressions.

Thanks to the work of the First Lady and her team, 101 universities from 27 countries have already joined the Global Coalition of Ukrainian Studies. I thank all our embassies and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for their support. As of August, there are already 125 Ukrainian-language audio guides in 60 countries. The Ukrainian Bookshelf project has been successfully implemented in more than 70 countries, with over 390 bookshelves now operating under the initiative – more than one hundred thousand books in Ukrainian. Every such project provides a better understanding of Ukraine.

Our partners must see who we are, who Ukrainians are, what kind of culture this is, and what kind of people are capable of defending themselves, their land, their independence, and their Europe in this way. Visits to Ukraine often change a lot – really, a lot. People who were biased against Ukraine can change their minds and shift from Russia to Ukraine, and that is very important. This is the fifth year of the war. It is very important. Every such gain works for our country.

Dear attendees,

Our representatives around the world,

Interest in Ukraine and the Ukrainian people is extraordinarily high today. We must all preserve and increase that interest, because it is the foundation of support.

Each of us shapes how our country is perceived around the world and how our goals are understood.

And this is not only about officials, of course. Being Ukrainian during a war like this already carries considerable responsibility, because you are safeguarding the country. This applies to everyone who has not turned away from the need to defend Ukraine and its independence.

And then there are those for whom diplomacy is a conscious choice, a life path, and a profession. This truly means double responsibility.

At the political level, Ukraine must remain on the global agenda and must always take the lead through its initiatives.

All influential international organizations, partnerships, forums, summits, and formats must be priorities for Ukraine if they provide weapons for our defense, funding for our resilience, and opportunities to exert pressure on the aggressor.

We need partnerships across different regions and at different levels. You must be known personally in the office of the leader of the country where you serve, as well as in trade unions, communities, and the business sector. Everywhere.

The uninterrupted supply of weapons is diplomacy. Every new combat aircraft for Ukraine, every round for our units at the front, and every missile for our air defense – that is you, that is diplomacy.

Working to push Russia toward negotiations and arrange a meeting between the leaders is diplomacy. Financial and humanitarian support for Ukraine is diplomacy.

Energy supplies, infrastructure, equipment for schools and hospitals, drinking water – all of this is also part of what our diplomats are working on today.

All of us are now engaged in diplomacy – the President, the Government, Parliament, our teams, very often our journalists, Ukrainian businesses, and civil society. Ukrainian warriors, of course, whose strength enables Ukraine to endure. But the role of professional, systematic, career diplomacy is, of course, important and irreplaceable.

Please make our diplomacy consistent, effective, and victorious.

Thank you for your service!

Glory to Ukraine!